Tagged: Marxism

Latent Manifesto

Re the “spectre” and “haunting,” at the beginning of Marx’s Manifesto, Derrida associates Marx’s with Hamlet’s. 

As in Hamlet, the Prince of a rotten State, everything begins by the apparition of a specter. More precisely by the waiting for this apparition. The anticipation is at once impatient, anxious, and fascinated: this, the thing (“this thing”) will end up coming. The revenant is going to come. It won’t be long. But how long it is taking. Still more precisely, everything begins in the imminence of a re-apparition, but a reapparition of the specter as apparition for the first time in the play. The spirit of the father is going to come back and will soon say to him “I am thy Fathers Spirit,” but here, at the beginning of the play, he comes back, so to speak, for the first time. It is a first, the first time on stage….The experience of the specter, that is how Marx, along with Engels, will have also thought, described, or diagnosed a certain dramaturgy of modern Europe, notably that of its great unifying projects. One would even have to say that he represented it or staged it. In the shadow of a filial memory, Shakespeare will have often inspired this Marxian theatricalization. Jacques Derrida, Specters of Marx, pp 2-3

The association with gothic literature makes more sense to me than the one with Shakespeare.

At the end of section I of the Manifesto: “What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, is its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.”

This sounds like the “mass-walking-dead proletariat” except the proletariat are alive and are burying the capitalists. There’s another layer of Marx’s storytelling, which is that he expects this outcome to be the result of violence. He’s not all that bothered by the violence of colonialism insofar as it accentuates the fall of capitalism, which will require violence.

There’s another “haunting” in Marx related to alienated labor and the commodity form/commodity fetishism…

Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1944:


If then the product of labour is alienation, the production itself must be active alienation, the alienation of activity, the activity of alienation. In the estrangement of the object of labor is merely summarized the estrangement, the alienation, in the activity of labour itself.” Marx then goes on to explain the conditions of alienation. “… man (the worker) no longer feels himself to be freely active in any but his animal functions — eating, drinking, procreating, or at most in his dwelling and in dressing-up, etc.; and in his human functions he no longer feels himself to be anything but an animal. What is animal becomes human and what is human becomes animal…. The relation of the worker to the product of labour as an alien object exercising power over him. 

This alien object exercising power over the worker, transcendent, and otherworldly, is explained as commodity fetishism. 

Capital, volume 1:


It is as clear as noon-day, that man, by his industry, changes the forms of the materials furnished by Nature, in such a way as to make them useful to him. The form of wood, for instance, is altered, by making a table out of it. Yet, for all that, the table continues to be that common, every-day thing, wood. But, so soon as it steps forth as a commodity, it is changed into something transcendent. It not only stands with its feet on the ground, but, in relation to all other commodities, it stands on its head, and evolves out of its wooden brain grotesque ideas, far more wonderful than ‘table-turning’ ever was.

There it is a definite social relation between men, that assumes, in their eyes, the fantastic form of a relation between things. In order, therefore, to find an analogy, we must have recourse to the mist-enveloped regions of the religious world. In that world the productions of the human brain appear as independent beings endowed with life, and entering into relation both with one another and the human race. So it is in the world of commodities with the products of men’s hands. This I call the Fetishism …

More “gothic qualities”: the human becomes animal (shapeshifting; werewolves, vampyres); the inanimate becomes animated by unseen forces (table-turning, commodities are like wooden puppets come to life); the grotesque. For Freud, the uncanny is something recollected that was once repressed. For Marx, the uncanny is the product of the capitalist mode of production, an exemplar of civilization, which draws out animalistic and animistic behavior and thoughts (estranges “man” from “himself”) and populates the world with spectral forces (commodities that take on the qualities of human beings, in particular movement).

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I was in a class with a prof who wasn’t particularly pro-Marx, but whose students were (and who were also “ecological-minded”), go through all the passages in Capital or the Grundrisse that began with something like “Subjection of Nature’s forces to man” to draw attention to the fact that Marx was no environmentalist. He is a fan of industrialism for the wealth it creates (technological advance = civilization in French perspective) and for fostering the growth of class consciousness among workers.

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There’s a “crisis” of crisis theory, a perpetual crisis in that capitalism is always supposed to end tomorrow or the day after tomorrow. Marx thought the crisis was imminent at the time of the writing of the Manifesto (his The Eighteenth-Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte registers his disappointment, in a deflective form of satire). By the 1960s, Western Marxists began to use the term “late capitalism.” I suppose that today we are at the stage of “later” or “really late” or “super late” capitalism. Perhaps the switch to “neoliberalism” is an effort to dig out of the crisis theory rut. But whatever we want to call it, the predictions of the final crisis have all failed, which indicates the crisis prediction business is a scam.

Why didn’t capitalism end as predicted? One theory is that Marx did not envision the welfare state or the total incorporation of workers into the capitalist system via trade unionism and consumer culture. Another view (mine) is that Marx himself gave an account of why capitalism probably would not end without some sort of cataclysmic intervention from outside the system:

“And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old ones.”

What distinguishes capitalism from feudalism is a characteristic Marx praises about the former: it never stops developing, it never stands still, it doesn’t cling to tradition, it melts everything that is solid into air. Insofar as capitalists perpetually destroy the existing productive forces in order to innovate these forces (from hand looms to mechanical looms, from industrialism/Fordism to post-industrialism/post-Fordism, from a production economy to a consumer/service economy, from fossil fuels to “green energy,” etc.), the capitalist system is reinvented and never grows stagnant. Despite the predictions of a falling rate of profit or “more destructive crises,” the capitalist mode of production has only renewed itself over the course of three centuries, in part by being a system that lets in just enough of its environment to replenish its energy without being overwhelmed/changed by its environment.

Live to tell

What we learned from the Berner campaign this week is that if you want a Social Democratic version of Trump, vote for Bernie.

The Berner campaign is using a Fox News tactic, “swift boating” Biden and Warren via outlets like Jacobin and Intercept, and surrogates like Brie, Sirota, Shure, Day, Grim, and Bragman, who carry the baggage.

When Bern was breaking rocks with Mandela in the 1960s, I wonder if he ever imagined his campaign surrogates would circulate doctored videos during his 2020 campaign?

Classic Trump-like response from the Berner campaign. Double down rather than do the right thing and disown the video.

It is certainly a distraction from Bern’s disastrous debate encounter with Warren and his apologia for racist Trump supporters during an NY Times interview.

As Bern explained to the NY Times, when as President he passes M4A and abolishes ICE and the CIA, the KKK will abolish itself.

The class-centric, base/superstructure model is traditional among all Marxists. They dismiss racism as epiphenomenal, holding that once the proles abolish private property, white supremacists will cease to exist.

Naive.

Is it too much to ask for a Democratic Socialist to run a clean campaign? Or is this Bern’s Leninist streak coming out again (as it did against Clinton in 2016).

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It’s hard to say “believe women” and then say “except for Elizabeth Warren.” People have to decide if they’ll make this exception in the case of Bern and accept the consequences.

2018

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Looting museums to meet the emotional needs of the present is foolish and dangerous to art. To treat culture as property is philistine.

Nationalists instrumentalise art to embellish their power. Museums are a bulwark against such abuse of art.

National populism is an international menace.

Bernie Sanders will push 80 in 2020 and is damaged goods politically (dismissing southern primaries in 2016). Moreover, he should run as an Independent to avoid the charge of opportunism (i.e., using the Democratic Party when it’s convenient, ditching it when it is not).

Opportunism: After losing the nomination in 2016, Mr Sanders renounced his membership in the Democratic Party and was soon busy raising funds for his revolution on YouTube.

The nineteenth-century bases of industrial capitalism are no longer the leading edge of liquid capitalism (to paraphrase Zygi Bauman). The social disruption caused by AI and the “flexible” labor arrangements of the twenty-first century capitalist economy is not addressed by Trumpist and Sandersite ideas (neo-mercantilist protectionism and “socialization,” respectively), which remain locked in a nineteenth-century perspective of the nation state and labour-capital relations.

Consumers are primarily concerned about quality of service and consumer rights, not ethics and workers rights. The twist is workers are also consumers.

Smart twentieth-century Marxists used Freud’s work. Dumb ones didn’t.

Althusser liked Freud. Zizek is also cathected

Freud’s essay on group psychology explains the craving for the love of a strong leader among the populist masses.

Smart socialists are never motivated by envy. However, the dumb ones are.

There’s no litmus test for holding office other than being elected or appointed. To apply one to “wealth” is undemocratic and discriminatory.

If you like family dictatorships:

Hafez al-Assad 12 March 1971 – 10 June 2000
Bashar al-Assad 17 July 2000-

Putin aims to restore the glory of the Russian Empire. His ideology is neo-imperialism. Externally, he found a useful idiot in Trump, whom he plays like a balalaika. His investment in Brexit appears to be paying off as May and Corbyn unwittingly (or wittingly) do his bidding against the EU. Internally, the economic outlook for Russia remains bleak, as its leading exports — orphans, mail order brides, and political violence — have remained unchanged for at least a decade.

The civilised world will have to come to terms with the Black Hand of Donetsk sooner than later. One observes that what appear to be relatively small slights (see Pussy Riot’s stunts and WADA’s ban of Russian athletes) are more of an affront to his fragile ego than the threat of military reaction. Like Trump, Russia’s Eternal President can be played.

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Hooray for Hollywood

The kerfuffle over Academy Award nominations is Christmas Day for the professional outragetariat.

Looked at objectively: this is a matter of multi-millionaires — of various ethnic and national backgrounds — in verbal combat over nominations for a piece of statuary. A golden sex toy for the beautiful people (as per Gervais). The ego trip of the 1% (as per the Occupyistas).

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Re political kerfuffle across the pond, viewed from afar:

Not all Marxists are/were Communists. Not all Marxists and Communists are/were Stalinists. There’s a world of difference between the Marxist Orthodoxy, the so-called Scientific Socialism which runs from Kautsky to Althusser, and Western Marxism (sometimes called Cultural Marxism), exemplified by Gramsci, Korsch, and the Frankfurt School. The former remained Stalinist long after the strongman’s death. The latter rejected Stalinism when the man of steel was at the height of his power.

When Mr Corbyn (or was it Mr Milne) embarked on his string of slow-moving purges, I commented: “The assumption of the infallibility of Mr Corbyn and his grassroots cadres is the end of democratic politics and the beginning of organised religion.” The course that Labour has taken during Mr Corbyn’s reign is a return to catechistic Marxism of the Orthodox variety. There can be no compromise with the catechism, even if reality contradicts it. Mssrs Corbyn, McDonnell, and Milne would do well to remember Marx’s reflections on the events in France between 1848-1851 which put the thesis of the Communist Manifesto into doubt.

Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living.

The dead weight of Stalin and Trotsky is the nightmare on the brains of the Corbynard cadres and haunts Mr Corbyn’s philosophical outlook. It is time for both to wake up from the bad dream and face reality squarely as it is, not as it is supposed to be (as per the catechism of the Marxist Orthodoxy).

Being alive

Munich is the Austin of Bavaria.

Madonna has been accused of “cultural appropriation.” However, none of the critics are aware that so-called cultural appropriation is otherwise known as life. In the sphere of popular culture, it is otherwise known as late capitalism. There’s nothing remarkable about it.

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New information has surfaced about Sartre’s refusal of the Nobel Prize for Literature:

A letter sent by French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre in 1964 declining the Nobel Prize for Literature came too late to avert one of the biggest debacles in its history, Swedish media reported Saturday.

Sartre’s letter arrived nearly a month after he had been picked as the top choice by the Nobel Committee, the daily Svenska Dagbladet reported, based on archival material made available at the end of a customary 50-year period of secrecy.

The report throws light on the sequence of events leading to Sartre’s decision to become the only person to willingly turn down the world’s most prestigious literary prize.

Perhaps Sartre was prescient: his “literary” works are hardly read anymore. Even worse, his philosophical texts are now antiques from the bygone age of existentialist Marxism.

For example, in Search for a Method Sartre asserts “we are convinced at one and the same time that historical materialism furnished the only valid interpretation of history and that existentialism remained the only concrete approach to reality” (1968, p 21). Who today would have the courage to embrace either of these claims?

Using your mouth like a fist

The only Marxist opinion worthy of consideration is that of Žižek. There’s no jouissance in the anarcho-syndicalism of Chomsky.

The Ridley Scott film “Exodus” is already generating ire for failing to be a factual representation of the mythology surrounding Moses.

Realism for its own sake is the destruction of imagination.

After portraying the Batman, the role of Moses is a definite come down for Christian Bale.

It is more than a bit narcissistic to believe “Big Brother is watching YOU” in particular. But such narcissism is functional for the conspiracy theory set.

Own goal

Mayonnaise is a staple of economy of scarcity.

Hip hop is well into middle age. It is an exhausted musical form.

It’s time to disarm police forces in the US as a public safety measure.

Populism, left or right, frequently walks hand in hand with chauvinism and xenophobia. It should not be encouraged.

Class wars are also culture wars. Always have been. Only traditionalist Marxists fail to notice this fact.

Marxist theory is dead. Marxist common sense is revenant.