Q: “How do people approach life? With a sense of wonder or with doubt? Aristotle said many years ago that philosophy begins in wonder. Kierkegaard later observed and lamented in the 19th century, that there’s been a shift; that philosophy begins with doubt. Is that still the case today?”
Near the beginning of Negative Dialectics, Adorno claims that philosophy had been surpassed (because its moment of realization was missed). Yet, I witnessed a packed auditorium at 9am on a Saturday morning held in rapt attention by Habermas’s lecture “From Kant to Hegel and Back Again: The Move toward Detranscendentalization” (subsequently published in Truth and Justification). There’s no schande in the fact that there is professional philosophy (and the claim against academic philosophy that it is academic doesn’t constitute a non-trivial finding) and that philosophy exists outside the academy. I’m amused by the apparent war between analytic and continental philosophy (which echoes the apparent war between quantitative and qualitative methods in the social sciences). Professional philosophy is an embattled field, at once the most exulted of the cultural sciences and, often, the smallest department within the humanities. The social sciences have encroached, in their clumsy way, on the philosophical field, appropriating, borrowing, and stealing, frequently without understanding.
Socrates: “I see, my dear Theaetetus, that Theodorus had a true insight into your nature when he said that you were a philosopher, for wonder is the feeling of a philosopher, and philosophy begins in wonder. He was not a bad genealogist who said that Iris (the messenger of heaven) is the child of Thaumas (wonder).” Plato, Theaetetus (Penguin Books: p. 25).
Hegel: “Only one word more concerning the desire to teach the world what it ought to be. For such a purpose philosophy at least always comes too late. Philosophy, as the thought of the world, does not appear until reality has completed its formative process, and made itself ready. History thus corroborates the teaching of the conception that only in the maturity of reality does the ideal appear as counterpart to the real, apprehends the real world in its substance, and shapes it into an intellectual kingdom. When philosophy paints its grey in grey, one form of life has become old, and by means of grey it cannot be rejuvenated, but only known. The owl of Minerva takes its flight only when the shades of night are gathering.” The Philosophy of Right (Preface).
Wittgenstein: “In every serious philosophical question uncertainty extends to the very roots of the problem. We must always be prepared to learn something totally new.” Remarks on Colour (University of California Press: 1-15, 4e).
Wonder and doubt should not be placed in opposition. Here I would say that “wonder” stands in a polemical relation to the view of philosophy articulated by Hegel in the Preface to The Philosophy of Right; the notion that philosophy comes on the scene only after events are cut and dried (which allows an identity between the real and ideal, the real and the rational) and the List der Vernunft (in The Philosophy of History) leave no room for contingency, of anything of which one might be “in wonder.” There are no historical surprises for Hegel, no possibility that things could be otherwise; they simply are.
And yet, Wittgenstein signals: uncertainty — a form of doubt — also opens a way to wonder (the preparation, or capacity, to learn something new or unexpected); or perhaps we can understand wonder and doubt as different orientations that bring about openness towards what exists, what is thought to exist, and categories of knowledge.
Whether doubt and wonder should be considered oppositional ways of knowing (of philosophy) or as complementary orientations, one can also acknowledge that a hierarchical relationship exists between wonder and doubt. A homology exists in the relationship between the following terms, with primacy accruing to the first term in the paired sets:
Doubt and wonder
Science and art
The hierarchical relations of doubt/wonder, science/art have other associations (or relations) of superior and inferior mapped on to them:
We can also consider the question raised by Kierkegaard in another way, with another provisional “opposition” between two orientations: knowing and being. Ricoeur’s summary of the trend in philosophical hermeneutics (represented by Heidegger and Gadamer) is helpful: “I see the recent history of hermeneutics as dominated by two preoccupations. The first tends progressively to enlarge the aim of hermeneutics, in such a way that all regional hermeneutics [NB. here he means hermeneutics developed for the purpose of the study of the bible and ancient texts (philology)] are incorporated into one general hermeneutics. But this movement of deregionalization cannot be pressed to the end unless at the same time the properly epistemological concerns of hermeneutics – its efforts to achieve a scientific status – are subordinated to ontological preoccupations, whereby understanding ceases to appear as a simple mode of knowing in order to become a way of being and a way of relating to beings and to being” (“The task of hermeneutics” (p. 54) in From Text To Action: Essays in Hermeneutics II). The opposition of epistemology (which is associated with doubt, science, and method in Gadamer’s Truth and Method) to ontology (with the shift in favor of the latter) has this implication for philosophy in the work of Gadamer. According to Gadamer, we must first ask what types of beings we are; answer: we are historical beings. Second, he argues that interpretation/hermeneutics involves us in acquiring the historical tradition which always already shapes our way of being; prejudices, the bête noire of Enlightenment thought (and the philosophy of doubt running from Descartes to Durkheim), are not to be rejected, but rather are the starting point for an interpretive process in which a fusion of horizons (our own with those of the past) takes place.
Hence, we wind up (following Heidegger and Gadamer) with a rejection of skepticism, epistemology, and, most significantly, explanation, and an exclusive embrace of interpretation and understanding. Ricoeur attempted to overcome this opposition by turning to linguistics as a “scientific method” that is appropriate to language and our being in language — as per Heidegger’s claim that language is “the house of Being.” (Martin Heidegger, “The way to language” (p 135) in On the Way to Language).
“We can, as readers, remain in the suspense of the text, treating it as a worldless and authorless object; in this case, we explain the text in terms of its internal relations, its structure. On the other hand, we can lift the suspense and fulfill the text in speech, restoring it to living communication; in this case, we interpret the text. These two possibilities both belong to reading, and reading is the dialectic of these two attitudes” (Ricoeur, “What is a text? explanation and understanding” (p 113) in From Text to Action: Essays in Hermeneutics, II)
I reference Ricoeur for the purpose of showing an effort to work through apparent oppositions that pertain to defining what “philosophy” is (as they are raised in Heidegger and, perhaps in Kierkegaard). It is possible to both raise epistemological questions (in this case, the conditions of meaningfulness) and ontological questions (the meaning of a text in relation to the world of texts and to ourselves) within philosophical hermeneutics. Ricoeur explains this as follows, with the notion of a “hermeneutical arc.”
“I shall therefore say: to explain is to being out the structure, that is, the internal relations of dependence that constitute the statics of the text; to interpret is to follow the path of thought opened up by the text, to place oneself en route toward the orient of the text. We are invited by this remark to correct our initial concept of interpretation and to search – beyond a subjective process of interpretation as an act on the text – for an objective process of interpretation that would be the act of the text.”
“The idea of interpretation as appropriation is not, for all that eliminated; it is simply postponed until the termination of the process. It lies at the extremity of what we called about the hermeneutical arc: it is the final brace of the bridge, the anchorage of the arch in the ground of lived experience. but the entire theory of hermeneutics consists in mediating this interpretation-appropriation by the series of interpretants that belong to the work of the text upon itself. Appropriation loses its arbitrariness insofar as it is the recovery of that which is at work, in labor, within the text. What the interpreter says is a resaying that reactivates what is said in the text” (“What is a text? explanation and understanding” (pp 121-122, 124) in From Text to Action: Essays in Hermeneutics, II)
In this case, an openness to the text (towards discovery and appropriation of its meaning) is compatible with the philosophical tradition of doubt (epistemology), which raises questions of the conditions for knowing a text (its internal conditions of meaningfulness). The tradition of doubt does not have to be excised; and the “pathos of astonishment” need not be dispelled (pace Heidegger).
What wish is enacted, what desire is gratified, by the fantasy that real events are properly represented when they can be shown to display the formal coherency of a story?
Hayden White, “Narrativity in the Representation of Reality,” The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), 2.
In the early time, long ago, an Indian maiden was taken into the sky. When she came back to the land, the man who took her turned into a grizzly bear. Her three brothers searched for her but found the bear first and killed it without realizing that it was their sister’s husband. They brought the skin to where the river calls back the salmon every year. The Gitksan peoples have been in Kispiox ever since.
“Canadian Indians Celebrate Vindication of their History,” Anthony DePalma, New York Times, Feb. 9, 1998, A8.
Angelia Means’ essay “Narrative Argumentation: Arguing with Natives” (2002) grapples with the question of how the proceduralist methodology employed in democratic constitutional interpretation might hermeneutically place putative forms of “cultural difference” in the “best possible light.” One of the strengths of this essay is the way Means spells out conditions in which groups with manifestly incommensurable worldviews might achieve some degree of mutual recognition—in this case, the translation of the meaning of property rights. However, I want to raise critical questions about the specific proposals offered in this essay for understanding how the admission of the narratives of the “non-Western, colonized Other” might contribute to intercultural democracy. I am presumably in full agreement with Means on the question of whether indigenous populations in the Americas should receive equitable and just legal treatment: they should. However, my disagreement concerns the analytical and normative arguments she makes on the basis of Delgamuukw v. the Crown, a case which she defines as a “disagreement over the interpretation of rights that reaches into modes of argumentation and evidence adduced to prove rights” (Means 2002: 223). The issues I want to address are whether sacred narratives – infused with ethical meaning – should “count” as evidence of property rights (prior possession) in a legal proceeding and whether the admission of these texts by the Canadian Supreme Court provides an appropriate model for processes of democratic cultural recognition. In short, I’m not persuaded by Means’ assertion that
In a democracy, we cannot legitimately discount the argumentative authority of those who make arguments that cannot possibly be persuasive absent our willingness to revise what we find persuasive… (Means 2002: 237-238).
Two points covered below:
1. Unavoidable problems of validity arise from truth claims made on the basis of narratives that mix reality and imagination in narrativized form.
2. I’ll briefly defend the hermeneutics of suspicion.
1. On the Narrative as Argumentation
On the surface, I find the arguments for the inclusion of narratives in legal proceedings to be uncontroversial. Before the law, prosecutors, defense attorneys, plaintiffs, and defendants tell stories. What matters in a legal process, of course, is whether the evidentiary basis of these stories can withstand the test of cross examination: in other words, evidence must be viewed by a jury or panel of judges as valid (unbiased and not artifactual); witnesses, who corroborate or refute opposed narrations of the same objective event, must be viewed as credible. The strong claim in Means’ essay is that the narratives of the Other, who is alleged to interpret differently, must count as persuasive evidence if ethnocentrism is to be avoided.
…we can and must learn to comprehend cultural narratives which appear to be untranslatable from the perspective of modern law. From the vantage point of democratic legitimacy, we must provide intercultural support for democratic norms for two reasons: 1) to ensure equal rights for “all,” including the “cultural stranger” and 2) to persuade the “cultural stranger” that argumentative practices of rights justification are not ethnocentric. (Means 2002: 221)
In the absence of cultural recognition as an element of constitutional interpretation, it would be impossible to give meaning to a concept of property rights that was not ethnocentric, and the effect would be to once again dispossess Native persons of rights, only this time they would be dispossessed of constitutional rights. (Means 2002: 224)
However, I am not sure that the authority and validity of the narrative form itself can be taken as self-evident. A few definitional questions are worth asking: what is narrative? What does interpretation involve? And, what model of intercultural democracy best fits cultural difference so construed?
Following Hayden White (1987: 2), we can distinguish between “a historical discourse that narrates and a discourse that narrativizes, between a discourse that openly adopts a perspective that looks out on the world and reports it and a [narrative] discourse that feigns to make the world speak itself and speak itself as a story.” In historical discourse, ‘subjectivity’ “is given by the presence, explicit or implicit, of an ‘ego’ who can be defined ‘only as the person who maintains the discourse.’ By contrast, the ‘objectivity’ of narrative is defined by the absence of all reference to the narrator’ . […] The events are chronologically recorded as they appear on the horizon of the story. No one speaks. The events seem to tell themselves” (1987: 3). What White describes as narrative seems to fit the “Aboriginal” stories entered as a factual (i.e., real) basis for property rights claims (for “Aboriginal Title”).
White poses a series of critical remarks that I think are appropriate for judging these expressive narratives. He asks
What is involved in the production of a discourse in which ‘events seem to tell themselves,’ especially when it is a matter of events that are explicitly identified as real rather than imaginary, as in the case of historical representations? In a discourse having to do with manifestly imaginary events, which are the ‘contents’ of fictional discourses, the question poses few problems. For why should not imaginary events be represented as ‘speaking themselves’. […] But real events should not speak, should not tell themselves. Real events should simply be; they can perfectly well serve as the referents of a discourse, can be spoken about, but they should not pose as the subjects of a narrative.” (White 1982: 3)
Can a narrative in which imaginary events “speak themselves” as real events count as a persuasive argument? Here, Habermas’s theory of communicative action offers insight : “I call interactions communicative when the participants coordinate their plans of action consensually, with the agreement reached at any point being evaluated in terms of intersubjective recognition of validity claims. […] Those claims are claims to truth, claims to rightness, and claims to truthfulness, according to whether the speaker refers to something in the objective world (as the totality of existing states of affairs), to something in the shared social world (as the totality of the legitimately regulated interpersonal relationships of a social group), or to something in his own subjective world (as the totality of experiences to which one has privileged access)” (Habermas 1990: 58). In the case of Aboriginal narratives, it would seem that typical methods of persuasion, involving assessments of truth, rightness, or sincerity, do not arise (1) because neither an objective world nor a shared social world is a referent and (2) because the authorial role is effaced.
What might this mean for interpretive practice? According to Paul Ricoeur, when an interpretive situation does not allow for a dialogue between the author of a text and a reader, the “text” ceases to have a referent and it replaces speech. In this “space of literature,” texts relate to other texts (and the interpretations of texts) and nothing else (neither to the author nor to the world of the author). “This relation of text to text, within the effacement of the world about which we speak, engenders the quasi world of texts or literature. . . . Words cease to efface themselves in front of things; written words become words for themselves” (Ricoeur 1991: 109). For Ricoeur, interpretation of this imaginary world of the text moves in two directions. As readers we can explain the “internal relations” of the text by situating ourselves in the “closure” of the text, which “has no outside but only an inside;…has no transcendent aim, unlike a speech that is addressed to someone about something” (Ricoeur 1991: 113). Or we can seek to understand the text through an act of appropriation, which Ricoeur defines as “the interpretation of a text [that] culminates in the self-interpretation of the subject who thenceforth understands h[er]self better, understands h[er]self differently, or simply begins to understand h[er]self” (Ricoeur 1991: 118).
What might this approach to narrative texts and interpretation imply for the possibility of the intercultural reinterpretation of rights? Creation stories might “disclose” to non-Aboriginals a different way of relating to and experiencing their relationship to the natural environment; it might move non-Aboriginals to take up a re-enchanted relation to the objective world as a matter of lifestyle; these stories might move non-Aboriginals to adopt or imitate what they take to be Aboriginal folkways (as an act of love or theft or both). Or, more generally, the aestheticization of life portended by such stories might find an analogous critical example in the Dadaist and Surrealist intention to bring art out of the museum and back into life. But such stories would seem to have little to offer with regard to disclosing empirical truth about the objective world of property relations. If the distinction between historical discourse (that has an empirical referent) and narrative discourse (that has an imaginary referent) is not made, then there would be no way to distinguish, for instance, between Thomas Dixon’s novel The Klansman and W. E. B. DuBois’ historical account of Black Reconstruction in America as factual evidence about post-civil war life in the American South.
In other words, narratives (stories) might offer a form of persuasion regarding imaginary worlds, which might be evaluated according to culturally diverse aesthetic standards for world disclosure, but they would seem to lack persuasiveness regarding either the objective world or the shared social world. At least it would appear questionable whether they could withstand critical scrutiny. In the case of Delgamuukw, this would make the inclusion of such stories a procedural concession that does not guarantee a favorable outcome; and it is worth noting that the Canadian Supreme Court did not decide whether the Aboriginal stories were in fact a persuasive legal argument; it only ruled that such stories could not be excluded as forms of evidence. Therefore, it might be premature to describe this ruling as a model of intercultural democracy. However, given the account of narratives and interpretation by White and Ricoeur, intercultural democracy might better be construed as entailing the mutual appropriation of cultural practices among Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals, and the recognition of such appropriations as transformative for the self-understanding (or identity) of both the participants and their cultures. Intercultural democracy would then entail facilitating choice among cultural identities, the creation of new identities, and the equitable distribution of symbolic and material resources that facilitate practical recognition: that is, the institutionalization of identities in the public sphere.
2. The Hermeneutics of Suspicion
Having defined intercultural recognition in this way, as an instance of symbolic democracy, I want to briefly consider the broader implications of the relationship between cultural recognition and methods of critical reasoning by defending the relevance of a hermeneutics of suspicion for any critical theory of cultural recognition.
First, the institutional domains of the public sphere and the law are not identical; the difference between the two has implications for the politics of recognition. One of the strengths of existing liberal democracy as an ethic project is its cultivation of a finely tuned awareness that public policies enable some actions and constrain others; and that the unintended side effects of normatively worthy projects and policies should be assessed in order for some level of democratic responsibility and accountability to be present. Standards for adjudicating rights claims in the legal domain are and should be higher than standards for coming to consensual agreement in the diffuse settings of the public sphere because the outcomes of legal decisions affect third parties that are not part of specific cases. In other words, the domain of law, as a socially differentiated institution, should not be assimilate into the public sphere or the lifeworld. (Conversely, Habermas [1996: 301-302] has argued against the application of deliberative democratic procedures to the whole of society: “The normative self-understanding of deliberative politics certainly requires a discursive mode of sociation for the legal community, but this mode does not extend to the whole of society in which the constitutionally organized political system is embedded. Even on its own self-understanding, deliberative politics remains part of a complex society, which, as a whole, resists the normative approach practiced in legal theory. […] In this regard, the discourse-theoretic reading of democracy has a point of contact with a detached social-scientific approach that considers the political system neither the apex nor center nor even the structural core of society, but just one action system among others. […] What is more, deliberative politics is internally connected with contexts of a rationalized lifeworld that meets it halfway.”).
Second, the politics of recognition is compatible with the hermeneutics of suspicion employed by critical theories (whether deconstructive, psychoanalytic, or social democratic). Interpretive vigilance with respect to unintentional forms of bad faith – like unrecognized forms of power embedded within otherwise good intentions – remains a important task of critical thinking. On this account, Habermas’s deliberative political theory remains a critical theory since, in his model of discourse ethics, validity claims that are grounded on the economic or cultural authority of the speaker, or the assertion of a privileged access to the truth on the basis of such authority, would be open to discursive challenges. Even when cultural recognition is at stake, I would argue that reason does not demand that a democratically constituted citizenry must accept the identity claims, claims of cultural authenticity, or assertions of privileged access and means to historical truth of any individual or group at face value.
Jürgen Habermas, Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1996)
Jürgen Habermas, “Discourse Ethics: Notes on a Program of Philosophical Justification,” Moral Consciousness and Communicative Action (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990).
Angelia K. Means, “Narrative Argumentation: Arguing with Natives,” Constellations 9, 2 (2002): 221-245.
Paul Ricoeur, “What is a Text?” From Text to Action: Essays in Hermeneutics, II (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1991).
Hayden White, “Narrativity in the Representation of Reality,” The Content of the Form: Narrative Discourse and Historical Representation (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987).
Some feudal institutions live on in a significantly diminished form (e.g., the English fox hunt). Others are more robust than they were in the twelfth century (e.g., the University).
If Jürgen Habermas is correct, the public sphere has been a cesspool since the middle of the nineteenth century. There’s nothing new about the level of debasement found in the twitterverse. All that has changed is the method and speed of delivery of the textual rubbish.
Mr Geldof has overtaken Bono as the most disdained rocker in the world.
It’s important to dress well for the revolution. The “Young Spartacist League” (or “Young Sparts”) used to turn up at rallies in the most modish attire (at least on the West Coast). It was enough to make me think twice about abandoning the Orthodox Marxist worker’s bib for Critical Theory’s classic couture. In contrast, today’s Black Bloc are the Ninja Turtles of radical dressing.
Jon Elster has written incisively on the varieties of political theory that draw their principles selectively from the institutions of the “forum and the market.” Social choice theory conceives of political action as instrumental and private; the Habermasian theory of the public sphere views politics as aiming at rational agreements among participants within a consensual public; participatory democratic theory understands politics as entailing a “transformation and education of the participants.” (Elster 1986, p. 103) In the democratic political imaginary, either institutional framework, the public sphere or the bazaar, could provide the basic principles, motivations and outcomes of what might purport to be socially just. My interest in the forum as a model of the political lies in understanding how power is conceived to operate within this space of social interaction. The most influential (and controversial) model of the forum is Habermas’s concept of the “public sphere,” a space of public political life based on the normative principle of the honest exchange of ideas. (Habermas 1974; 1989) The idea of such an arena of coercion-free discussion has been criticized for idealizing a “bourgeois” model of political discussion and civility at the expense of a ‘gendered’ understanding of this space and the delegitimation of working class and non-bourgeois forms of public political life. (See Ryan 1992; Eley 1992) However, what initially recommended this model of democratic politics was less a concern for efficiency or justice than the potential it held for attenuating what had come to be considered illegitimate conditions of the exercise of power (authority).
In the eighteenth-century, the forum (a space of free exchange of political ideas) offered critical vantage points from which the forms of power and the institutionalization of authority typified by the “Absolutist State” were challenged. Reinhart Koselleck’s discussion of the “initial situation” of the modern concept of the political provides insight into the philosophical discourse of sovereign power. His study of the crisis of political authority, which elaborates Carl Schmitt’s thesis concerning the crisis of modern sovereignty, reconstructs the “political situation of the bourgeoisie in the Absolutist State.” (Koselleck 1988, p. 6) The “utopian” and “hypocritical” character of the Enlightenment is rooted, he argues, in the fact that its proponents conceived it as a refusal of political power.
The structure of Absolutism, which was rooted in the dichotomy between sovereign and subject, between public policy and private morality, prevented the Enlightenment and the emancipation movement produced by it from seeing itself as a political phenomenon. Instead the Enlightenment developed patterns of thought and behavior which, at the latest from 1789 onwards, foundered on the rocks of the concrete political challenges that arose. (Koselleck 1988, pp. 1-2)
While Koselleck views this political weakness of Enlightenment political philosophy as the source of successive historical episodes of Terror (French, Soviet and National Socialist), I will focus on his specific insight into the Enlightenment aversion to (political) power. The self-conception of Enlightenment critics of absolutism as representatives of universal (moral) standards of reason lead the emergent definition of enlightened politics to be understood as diametrically opposed to the Realpolitik of the State. As the only legitimate source of political authority, the Absolutist State was conceived as the ultimate expression of power which was deemed illegitimate from the standpoint of enlightened reason.
The Enlightenment critics understood the political as an immoral space of royal action. This sensibility was produced by the sociohistorical development of the Absolutist State. Against the backdrop of religious warfare, “the princely State […] developed a supra-religious, rationalistic field of action. […] This realm found its theoretical expression in the doctrine of raison d’état. What was made room for here was an area where politics could unfold regardless of moral considerations.” (Koselleck 1988, p. 16) An ethically neutral sphere of action sealed the State off from the demands of religious fractions. Cuius regio eius religio affirmed the subordination of these fractions to the Prince. The doctrine of raison d’état took root among the absolutist monarchies of the Continent as well as the parliamentary government in Britain.
By demarcating a symbolic boundary between the publicness of politics and the privacy of conscience, reason of state demanded obedience to a strict logic of self-preservation. The most important political task of the prince was the maintenance of state sovereignty above and against internal and external threats. The most representative work articulating the logic of self-preservation, Machiavelli’s advice to the modern Prince (c. 1513), achieves great clarity on the obligation of self-preservation and the means to fulfilling it. Machiavelli suggests that while faith and honesty are praiseworthy qualities in a ruler, “one sees by experience in our times that the princes who have done great things are those who have taken little account of faith and have known how to get around men’s brains with their astuteness; and in the end they overcome those who have founded themselves on loyalty.” (Machiavelli 1985, p. 69) Distinguishing between “two kinds of combat [laws and force],” Machiavelli goes on to illustrate the fact that “the first is proper to man, the second to beasts; but because the first is often not enough, one must have recourse to the second.” (Machiavelli 1985, p. 69) The “prudent lord” does not observe faith, for he/she recognizes that because men “are wicked and do not observe faith with you, you also do not have to observe it with them.” Hence, a concern with moral goodness is the least likely quality of the successful prince.
[…] A Prince, and especially a new prince, cannot observe all those things for which men are held good, since he is often under a necessity, to maintain his state, of acting against faith, against charity, against humanity, against religion. And so he needs to have a spirit disposed to change as the winds of fortune and variations of things command him, and as I said above, not depart from good, when possible, but know how to enter into evil, when forced by necessity.” (Machiavelli 1985, p. 70)
Machiavelli can be read as counseling merely duplicitous and expedient political behavior at the expense of honest, virtuous action only if the primary good, the preservation of the State, falls out of view. The recommendation to the prince to “enter into evil” when necessary is not prescribed as an end in itself, but rather is offered as a means to efficacious sovereignty.
In the second half of the seventeenth-century, Hobbes – in the midst of civil war – articulated with great depth the predicament of moral conscience for political sovereignty. Unlike Machiavelli, whose analysis of conscience remains at the level of the prince, Hobbes located the problem of moral conscience within what had become an uncivil society. On Koselleck’s account, rather than being a cause of peace (causa pacis) or the general good, Hobbes considered the “authority of conscience in its subjective plurality” as a “causa belli civilis.” (Koselleck 1988, p. 29) The war of subjective moral consciences, which devolved into self-righteous posturing and, hence, undermined their own moral presuppositions, could be surmounted only “beyond the traditional realm.” As Koselleck argues, “the need to found a State transform[ed] the moral alternative of good and evil into the political alternative of peace and war.” Therefore, “the subordination of ethics to politics” typical of Machiavelli “was thematically pointless for Hobbes, since reason removes whatever difference may exist between the two domains.” (Koselleck 1988, p. 25)
At the base of the Hobbesian conception of the political is the doctrine auctoritas, non veritas facit legem (authority, not truth, makes the laws). Koselleck summarizes the core premise of this doctrine: the Hobbesian State deprives private opinions of any political status and the “public interest” becomes the domain of the sovereign alone. By alienating conscience from the state, the former is transformed into “private morality.” (Koselleck 1988, p. 31) The highest moral good is not coterminous with traditional morality, but rather is associated with the morality of “political reason.” Hence, the “ruler’s absolute political sovereignty” stands as a “moral necessity” for the various communities of consciences. The philosophico-moral conditions of possibility for this alignment of morality and politics is the potential state of civil war: “It is only in respect of civil war, and of reason’s supreme commandment to put an end to this war, that Hobbes’s system becomes logically conclusive.” (Koselleck 1988, p. 33)
In Hobbes’s political philosophy, ratio itself is placed in the service of voluntas. Sovereign will alone creates the possibility of perpetual peace. Koselleck notes that the “rationally construed State” in Leviathan is not the “pure ‘state of reason’” that would appear in the eighteenth-century. Rather, “reason thus creates a neutral zone of State ‘technology’ in which there is no law but the prince’s will.” (Koselleck 1988, p. 33) Morality sustains this technology only as a bulwark against civil war. The political morality of Leviathan is expressed in the purely formal command to end the bellum omnium contra omnes, to preserve civil society. A century later, such conditions no longer sufficed as a reasonable defense of raison d’état, for “to the extent which this initial situation, the religious civil war to which this State owed its existence and its form, was forgotten, raison d’état looked like downright immorality.” (Koselleck 1988, p. 39)
It would appear ironic that Hobbes, who is normally treated as the architect of Absolutism, articulated the very logical conditions under which Absolutism would be rendered powerless in the eighteenth- and nineteenth-centuries. Yet Koselleck pursues this fruitful reading in his analysis of Locke’s reconstruction of the Hobbesian distinction between conscience (morality) and the political (the State). In An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, John Locke elevates what were no more than private opinions for Hobbes to the level of moral laws: “In Locke’s mind, the citizens’ views about virtue and vice no longer remained in the realm of private opinion; rather, their moral judgements themselves had the character of laws.” (Koselleck 1988, p. 55) This essentially bourgeois morality was now seen to be borne by society, which no longer was required to render absolute obedience to the State. Accordingly, the “citizens themselves do what Hobbes reserved for the sovereign: they set ‘the mark of value’ of all acts ‘and give the name of virtue to those actions, which amongst them are judged praiseworthy, and call that vice, which they account blamable.’” (Koselleck 1988, pp. 55-56)
Locke’s political conception of public morality had the effect, in Koselleck’s view, of breaking the bond between self-preservation (the moral charge of the protection of civil society) and obedience which was the backbone of Hobbesian Absolutism: “Morality was no longer a formal matter of obedience, was not subordinated to the politics of Absolutism, but confronted the laws of the State.” (Koselleck 1988, p. 58 [emphasis added]) The main import of the opposition of “civic morality” and the political authority of the State was the draining of ethical content from the actions of the sovereign. However, whereas Locke strove for a “co-ordination” or “juxtaposition” of morality and politics, the bifurcation of politics and morality was radicalized in the Republic of Letters and Masonic lodges of the eighteenth-century. (Koselleck 1988, pp. 60, 62) As a critic of the Enlightenment’s undermining of the legitimacy of political authority, Koselleck describes precisely the effects of the public censure of society on such authority: “In the eyes of the hypocritical proponent of Enlightenment power is identical with the abuse of power. […] In the view of the political privateer power becomes force.” (Koselleck 1988, p. 119)
The openness of public opinion contrasted sharply with the reason of state, closeted in royal cabinets. Forms of authority that could not be subjected to and also withstand the moral criticism of a rational public appeared arbitrary. The opposition between ratio and voluntas, those sources of decision that had been reconciled in the Hobbesian framework, provided the basis not only for emancipatory project of the bourgeoisie, but also a conception of political power as immoral.
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